Ciudadanos pueden seguir la realidad de los 5.564 municipios brasileros y verificar cómo está el cumplimiento de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio (ODM). A través del Portal ODM (www.portalodm.org.br), los interesados podrán realizar el seguimiento de la situación de los municipios en relación con las metas e involucrarse en la implementación de políticas públicas.

Los ODM son ocho objetivos pactados por Brasil y por otros 190 países miembros de las Naciones Unidas con la finalidad de hacer que el mundo sea más justo y solidario antes de 2015. Son ellos: Erradicar la extrema pobreza y el hambre; Educación básica de calidad para todos; Promover la igualdad entre los sexos y la autonomía de las mujeres; Reducir la mortalidad infantil; Mejorar la salud de las gestantes; Combatir el HIV/ SIDA, la malaria y otras enfermedades; Garantizar la sustentabilidad ambiental; y Establecer cooperaciones para el desarrollo.

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El Portal, que fue lanzado durante la última edición del Forum Social Mundial (FSM), en Belem (Pará), pone a disposición indicadores con informaciones actualizadas de acuerdo con datos oficiales. El interesado puede consultar análisis con gráficos sobre cada Objetivo en los municipios brasileros, además de realizar comparaciones entre ciudades, generando mapas, gráficos y tablas. Además, el Portal presenta una biblioteca virtual, en la cual se presentan informes, vídeos, audios, imágenes y publicaciones sobre los ODM.

De acuerdo con Luciana Brenner, coordinadora ejecutiva del Observatorio de Indicadores de Sustentabilidad (Orbis), es importante mostrar la realidad por municipio porque “las acciones de desarrollo se dan en ese nivel”. Para ella, la vida de cada ciudadano se realiza en el municipio y, por lo tanto, las acciones deberán ser específicas para el nivel local. 

 

De esta forma, el Portal posibilita que cada ciudadano acompañe la realidad de los municipios brasileros y ayude en la implementación de políticas públicas. Además es una herramienta de auxilio para las empresas que tienen acciones de responsabilidad social, pues podrán verificar en qué áreas el municipio necesita más alguna contribución. Para la coordinadora, la intención del Portal en este momento, es generar una amplia movilización, involucrando sociedad, gobiernos e iniciativas privadas. “el primer cambio que esperamos es una movilización social dentro del tema”, comenta.

El portal fue desarrollado por Orbis, programa Sesi de Paraná, Sistema Federación de Industrias del Estado de Paraná (Fiep) e Instituto de Promoción del Desarrollo (IPD), bajo la coordinación del Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (Pnud) y apoyo del Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia (Unicef), Núcleo de Apoyo a Políticas Públicas (Napp), Ministerio de Planeamiento y Secretaría General de la Presidencia de la República.

Las noticias del proyecto “Acciones por la Vida” son producidas con el apoyo del Fondo Nacional de Solidaridad de la CF 2008.

Traducción: Daniel Barrantes

Filed March 18th, 2009 under Espanol

A cor em Belém e o cinzento em Davos

«Nós oferecemos uma outra perspectiva sobre a crise, mostrando que existem alternativas a um capitalismo em falência. Quem pode negar que tal é hoje necessário?»

António Melo, revista África 21 *

Lisboa - A nona edição do Fórum Social Mundial decorreu em Belém e eclipsou o seu rival Fórum Económico de Davos, em 39.ª edição. Trinta anos separam as duas iniciativas e cada vez mais Klaus Schwab, o organizador de Davos, se diz próximo de Oded Grajew, o organizador do primeiro FSM, em Porto Alegre. Ambas fizeram o acontecimento mundial do último fim-de-semana de Janeiro.

Há pequenos detalhes que assinalam mudanças de tendências impensáveis até há pouco tempo. O próximo Fórum Social Mundial (FSM) pode vir a realizar-se nos Estados Unidos. Nenhuma manifestação de aberta hostilidade, designadamente a queima da bandeira dos EUA, ocorreu desta vez no FSM. Foi a primeira vez. Outro sinal: o Presidente Lula da Silva participava habitualmente na abertura de Davos e seguia para o encerramento do FSM. Desta vez não tirou visto diplomático para a Suíça.

Em Davos, a tónica de irreverência cabia ao vocalista do U2, que martelava com a sua possante voz a deriva das economias dos mais ricos, face à fome e doença em África. Por se ter cansado, ou por achar que os ricos não têm emenda, Bono fez saber que estava ocupado com a preparação do seu próximo álbum e deixava a cadeira vazia no Fórum Económico Mundial (FEM).

Há apenas dois anos, a chancelerina alemã Angela Merkel pontuava, de dedo em riste em Davos, que não aceitava qualquer recurso a mecanismos estatais para responder às preocupações que atingem os países menos desenvolvidos: «A minha resposta, clara e sucinta, é não». Por essa altura, a palavra de ordem do G8 era a do liberalismo sem fronteiras e quem tentasse erguer barreiras comerciais para se proteger das «suas próprias fraquezas», dizia a chancelerina, seria excluído da Organização Mundial do Comércio.

A 39.ª edição do FME encerrou sem que ao menos uma declaração firme sobre o não recurso ao proteccionismo aduaneiro por parte dos EUA e da União Europeia fosse proferida em conjunto pelos representantes destes dois blocos económicos. Entretanto, o Governo alemão já abriu créditos de vários milhares de milhões de euros para assegurar a capacidade financeira dos seus bancos e a cada dia que passa promete apoios à indústria automóvel e a outros sectores da economia, em franca ameaça de falência.

O Presidente brasileiro, em 2007, respondeu aos países ricos do G8, representados pelos seus líderes, com um apelo à seriedade de intenções: «Vim aqui no meu primeiro mandato e disse que era possível criar uma política consistente para diminuir a miséria no Brasil. Hoje venho aqui para mostrar que é possível a gente cumprir as metas do milénio, se houver um mínimo de compreensão dos países ricos, não para ficar dando dinheiro para os países pobres, mas para investir em projectos que signifiquem o desenvolvimento dos países pobres».

Em 2009 falou do mesmo tema, mas em Belém e para subir o tom: «O proteccionismo, neste momento, só vai agravar a crise, nada resolverá. É importante que os países ricos não esqueçam que foram eles quem inventou essa história de que o comércio devia fluir livremente por todo o mundo».

Os presidentes

A nona edição do FSM teve início com uma marcha de afirmação dos direitos dos povos à sua dignidade própria, que agrupou entre 120 mil a 130 mil participantes, vestidos com trajes das sete cores do arco-íris.

O encontro de Davos abriu à luz do néon num open space de hotel de luxo, com capacidade para abrigar 1600 grandes gestores, 40 chefes de Estado, 300 académicos e uma centena de representantes de ONG. Com os acompanhantes e assessores, devem ter formado ao todo uma pequena cidade de cinco mil pessoas.

Em matéria de custos de organização, o Fórum de Belém ficou-se pelos 26 milhões de euros (33,2 milhões de dólares), na sua maioria suportados pelo Estado brasileiro (25,6 milhões de euros).

Não há informação dos custos de Davos, mas a ter-se em conta que a permanência foi de uma semana e supondo que em média, muito por baixo, cada participante representou um custo de 500€/dia, chega-se ao montante básico de 17,5 milhões de euros (22,3 milhões de dólares). Em todo o caso, deve ter sido a edição menos dispendiosa, pois os grandes banqueiros estiveram ausentes e muitos dos habitués dos anos anteriores já nem banqueiros são, como é o caso dos ex-directores do Lehman Brothers.

As lideranças políticas foram representadas por Angela Merkel (Alemanha), Gordon Brown (Reino Unido), Vladimir Putin (Rússia), Wen Jiabao (China), Shimon Peres (Israel) – que protagonizou um dos momentos de tensão do encontro, em polémica com o primeiro-ministro turco Recep Tayyip Erdogan, acerca do conflito na Faixa de Gaza – para além do português Durão Barroso, presidente da Comissão Europeia. O Presidente dos Estados Unidos fez-se representar pela sua conselheira Valerie Jarrett.

Em Belém estiveram cinco presidentes: o brasileiro Lula da Silva, o venezuelano Hugo Chávez, o boliviano Evo Morales, o equatoriano Rafael Correa e o paraguaio Fernando Lugo. Embora nem todos tivessem sido acolhidos do mesmo modo – Lula da Silva foi excluído do primeiro encontro com 20 movimentos de esquerda, por estes considerarem que pratica uma política macroeconómica neoliberal – no grande momento, que foi o debate da noite do primeiro dia (29 de Janeiro), com dez mil pessoas a assistir e a fazer perguntas, o clima geral foi de entendimento.

O correspondente do El País, Juan Arias, sintetizou esta noite, citando Lula da Silva: «Todos culparam o capitalismo mundial e os responsáveis financeiros do planeta pela crise. Lula defendeu uma saída que não passe só por novos caminhos económicos e financeiros, mas, sobretudo, pela construção de um novo modelo produtivo e de consumo ambientalmente sustentável’».

Em Davos não houve consenso e a divergência de opiniões quanto à saída para a crise mundial foi claramente ilustrada pelas intervenções do Nobel da Economia de 2001, Joseph Stiglitz, e do secretário-geral da OCDE, Angel Gurria.

No centro do debate esteve o recurso a um banco de depósitos do lixo tóxico financeiro, a ser reciclado por tempo indeterminado, suportado pelo Estado. Assim, os bancos poderiam voltar a funcionar normalmente.

Stiglitz foi incisivo: «Com o dinheiro posto nos planos de recuperação dos bancos americanos, financiar-se-ia um século de protecção social nos Estados Unidos». Gurria procurou o consenso: «Criar bad banks para isolar os activos radioactivos e permitir aos bons bancos voltar a funcionar de novo é, talvez, contestável moral e socialmente, mas é como a democracia vista por Churchill: a pior das soluções com excepção de todas as outras».

Uma solução em todo o caso recusada em Belém, onde uma das palavras de ordem mais ouvidas foi «não vamos pagar a vossa crise».

Ao invés do que ocorreu em Davos, o encontro de Belém terminou com conclusões. Cândido Grzybowski, do grupo fundador do FSM, fez a síntese: «Nós oferecemos uma outra perspectiva sobre a crise, mostrando que existem alternativas a um capitalismo em falência. Quem pode negar que tal é hoje necessário?»

As duas partes vão prosseguir o debate, em áreas separadas, e o próximo encontro para apresentar conclusões vai ser em Londres, por ocasião de mais uma reunião do G20, o grupo dos oito mais ricos com os 12 países emergentes.

Artigo publicado na edição de Fevereiro da revista África 21

Filed March 18th, 2009 under Portuguese

Com o anúncio do presidente Lula sobre a convocação da 1ª Conferência Nacional de Comunicação, durante o Fórum Social Mundial, no dia 28 de janeiro, a luta pela democratização da mídia no Brasil passou para um novo patamar.

O objetivo do comitê estadual é fortalecer a unidade das organizações sociais, mobilizar para ampliar a presença de movimentos populares e construir propostas que expressem com qualidade que comunicação a sociedade quer para o País. Todas as lideranças presentes concordaram com a importância do tema.

As conferências vêm sendo um importante instrumento para garantir a participação da população organizada na discussão e definição de políticas públicas de setores importantes como Saúde, Educação, Segurança, Igualdade Racial, entre outros. “Com a comunicação não pode ser diferente”, observou a presidente do Sindjornal, Valdice Gomes, lembrando a importância estratégica do setor como ferramenta para os avanços sociais.

Durante a reunião, os representantes do Conselho Regional de Psicologia (CRP-15) apresentaram um documento onde afirmam que a Psicologia busca atuar na sociedade de diversas formas, lutando por políticas públicas nos vários contextos que norteiam o respeito e defesa dos direitos humanos, principalmente naqueles que defendem com veemência os direitos das crianças e adolescentes.

Desde junho de 2006, o tema virou uma bandeira com a criação da Comissão Nacional Pró-Conferência Nacional de Comunicação (CPC), rede que agrega até agora 36 entidades nacionais das mais variadas áreas, desde trabalhadores do campo, movimento negro e de direitos humanos, até estudantes e trabalhadores da comunicação, entre muitos outros.

O movimento em Alagoas nasce forte, já com a adesão de 13 entidades. Além do Sindjornal, participaram da reunião o Conselho Regional de Psicologia (CRP-15), Sindicato dos Bancários, Associação Brasileira de Rádios Comunitárias (Abraço-AL); Grupo Gay de Alagoas (GGAL); Centro Acadêmico de Comunicação Social do Cesmac; Intervozes, Conselho Estadual de Comunicação, TV Comunitária (TV COM); Sindicato dos Trabalhadores do Ensino Privado (Sintep); Centro de Cultura e Estudos Étnicos Anajô, Enecos/AL, Sindicato dos Trabalhadores na Educação (Sinteal). Outras entidades como a CUT-AL, Sindprev/AL, Conselho Estadual de Saúde e Sindicato dos Radialistas justificaram ausência e confirmaram o interesse em participar das próximas reuniões.

Entre os encaminhamentos aprovados na reunião estão a realização de um Seminário de instalação do Comitê Estadual, com indicativo para o dia 28 de março com a presença de membros do Fórum Nacional pela Democratização da Comunicação (FNDC). Uma comissão foi criada para ampliar a convocação de mais entidades para a próxima reunião que está marcada para o dia 10 de março, terça-feira próxima, às 9hs, no Sindicato dos Bancários.

 

por Sindjornal

http://www.alemtemporeal.com.br/?pag=cidade&cod=7882

Filed March 10th, 2009 under Portuguese

Friday, 6 March 2009, 11:07 am

“To Change The World, We Need To Change The Lives Of Women”

As the ITUC publishes a new report (1) condemning gender inequality and examining the cost of violence against women, the Brazilian trade union confederation CUT (2) is launching on this 8th of March a permanent campaign against gender pay inequality.

Rosana Da Silva, a member of the ITUC Women’s Committee and the national women’s officer for CUT, speaks about the issues of inequality, the impact of the crisis on women workers, and violence against women in Brazil.

­Is the impact of the economic and financial crisis on women workers already being felt in Brazil? ­

In Brazil, women tend to work in the most precarious sectors and in the informal economy. The crisis is set to accentuate this trend, as women are the first to be laid off: culturally, in Brazil, it is still widely believed that a woman’s primary role is to look after the family rather than to earn a living. It is thought that women should largely remain in the private sphere, at home, whilst men go out to work in the public space. It takes time to change beliefs that are so deeply embedded in our society. And so, in the meantime, it is the women who face the biggest job losses. Some companies are laying off workers because they are genuinely suffering the effects of the crisis, but others are using it as a pretext to cut down on their staff.

Women are also the hardest hit by the cuts in public spending being pushed by the authorities on account of the crisis, such as in the health and education sectors, which employ large numbers of women. The unions recently managed to obtain a commitment from the central government that social spending would not be cut, and may even be raised, but this promise still has to be ratified by the National Congress. And then there are the huge social budgets of the federal states, which are also threatened by cuts.

How wide is the wage gap between men and women in Brazil?

The wages of women in Brazil are 30% lower, on average, than those of men. This injustice arises from the notion that a woman’s wage is just a “plus” in the household income, but ever increasing numbers of women are, in fact, the head of the household. The trade unions and other social movements have become conscious of the need to challenge these conceptions. CUT is going to launch a campaign on International Women’s Day, on 8 March, that includes the issue of the gender pay gap. The union had already led a campaign on this matter in 1995-96, but this one is going to be permanent. It will also address the issues of maternity and paternity protection, the abortion law, and increasing the presence of women in trade union decision-making structures.

What is the level of women’s representation in CUT?

Approximately 40% of CUT’s members are women, but there are only six women among the top 25 leaders. According to our statutes, there should be a minimum of 30% women at all meetings but, in practice, it’s more like the maximum!

Combating violence against women is one of the ITUC’s priorities. What is the situation in this respect in Brazil?

A law passed in 2004 protects women against violence in general. There are debates throughout the country about the different forms of violence against women, ranging from psychological abuse to murder. Brazilian men often think of women as their property, which leads to all kinds of tragic consequences. In 2008, for example, a 16-year-old girl in São Paolo was kept a prisoner in her home for four days by her boyfriend because she wanted to leave him. On the fourth day, he killed her. In a town on the border with Uruguay, Santo do Livramento, there is a lot of domestic violence, and anyone who kills a woman takes refuge in Uruguay, and vice-versa. The women in this region have tried to obtain a protocol whereby the culprits can be brought to justice on either side of the border. The trade union confederations of Brazil and Uruguay are going to mobilise on 8 March to condemn this situation, to call for obtain legislation that protects women.

Sexual and moral harassment is widespread in the workplace, across all sectors. Tackling these issues is very difficult: cultural issues aside, women who report harassment fear being targeted; they also feel shame with regard to their partners.

What can the union do to help them?

Talk about it; inform them, and support those who have the courage to report it, offering them psychological and legal assistance. All our local unions offer these kinds of services. In a recent example, a woman supported by CUT reported the harassment and won the case. The union openly revealed the facts, and for fear of bad publicity her company took measures, dismissing the person guilty of the harassment. It has to be said, however, that such cases are still rare, as most women dare not report the abuse.

We are campaigning to raise awareness that regardless of where it is perpetrated, be it at work or elsewhere, violence against women must be denounced, and that the unions are there to help women to defend themselves. It is hard for a women on her own to report abuse and to obtain justice, but if they feel helped and supported in such procedures, which are not at all easy, they might just succeed.

The ITUC is organising its first World Women’s Conference from 19 to 21 October 2009 in Brussels. What expectations do you have with regard to this event?

We would like to see the adoption of a resolution clearly underlining the need to fight all the inequalities suffered by women, across the board, not only within the workplace but also within the trade union movement. ITUC resolutions, be they on domestic violence, pay inequality or other abuses, can help us raise these issues with our governments; they give more weight to our demands. They also show that it is not an isolated battle we are waging but a worldwide campaign.

You took part in the latest World Social Forum in Belém, in the Brazilian Amazon. What impressions has it left you with?

Holding the Forum in the Amazon reinforced the participants’ interest in climate change. The debates on the crisis also demonstrated that each and every trade union and NGO around the world is directly concerned. They also highlighted the need for greater unity between the workers of the world, to fight against its consequences. When the world comes to grips with the fact that the crisis is going to be a long one, it is imperative that we realise that the workers are not to blame. The time is right for us to reflect on the global capitalist system, so that we can build another model of society based on greater respect for the value of labour and participative democracy

As regards CUT, the Forum provided us with an opportunity to strengthen our ties with a number of NGOs and movements such as the World March of Women.

Interview by Samuel Grumiau and Mathieu Debroux.

http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO0903/S00105.htm

(1 Gender (in)equality in the labour market: an overview of global trends and developments: http://www.ituc-csi.org/IMG/pdf/GAP-09_EN.pdf

(2) Central Única dos Trabalhadores: www.cut.org.br

The ITUC represents 170 million workers in 312 affiliated national organisations from 157 countries. http://www.ituc-csi.org http://www.youtube.com/ITUCCSI

ENDS

Filed March 6th, 2009 under ENGLISH

Brasilia (AFP) — Zum Abschluss des Weltsozialforums in Belém haben die Teilnehmer zu einem weltweiten Aktionstag am 28. März für eine soziale Bewältigung der globalen Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise aufgerufen. Für die mehr als 100.000 Teilnehmer stehe fest, “dass das Finanzsystem auf völlig neue Füße gestellt und der globale Reichtum umverteilt werden muss”, sagte Alexis Passadakis vom globalisierungskritischen Netzwerk Attac Deutschland in Belém. Die Gruppe der wichtigsten Industrie- und Schwellenländern (G20) sehe das leider nicht so.

Der G20-Gipfel findet am 2. April in London statt. In Deutschland sind die Proteste unter dem Motto “Wir zahlen nicht für eure Krise” am 28. März in Berlin und Frankfurt am Main geplant.

Laut Passadakis wurde auf dem Weltsozialforum ein umfassender Maßnahmenkatalog erarbeitet. Dieser sehe vor, “dass das Finanzsystem öffentlich und demokratisch kontrolliert sein muss und nicht profitorientiert sein darf”. Unter dem Dach der Vereinten Nationen “und nicht beim Internationalen Währungsfonds IWF” müssten folgende Schritte vereinbart werden: die Gründung einer internationalen Steuerbehörde, die Stabilisierung von Wechselkursen und ein Mechanismus zur Schuldenstreichung, insbesondere für die Länder des Südens. Zudem müssten die Steueroasen geschlossen werden.

Es sei unannehmbar, “dass Entwicklungsländern durch die Steuer- und Kapitalfluchtpraktiken großer Firmen 900 Millarden US-Dollar entgehen und sie im Gegenzug von der OECD nur circa 100 Milliarden Dollar Entwicklungshilfe erhalten”, erklärte der Vorstand des Evangelische Entwicklungsdienstes (EED), Wilfried Steen, in Bonn. Außerdem würden Billionen zur Stabilisierung des internationalen Finanzsystems eingesetzt. “Mit dem Geld wäre es möglich, allen Menschen dieser Erde Zugang zu sauberem Wasser und Grundnahrungsmitteln zu verschaffen, alle Aidskranken angemessen zu versorgen, Grundbildung für alle Menschen zu ermöglichen und eine einschneidende Klimaerwärmung zu verhindern, die binnen kurzem die Ernten in Afrika halbieren wird”, erklärte Steen.

Neben Antworten auf die Weltwirtschaftskrise standen beim sechstägigen Weltsozialforum in der Stadt im Amazonasdelta Vorschläge zur Rettung Amazoniens und zur Bewältigung der Klimakatastrophe im Vordergrund. Ins Leben gerufen wurde das Weltsozialforum 2001 als Gegenveranstaltung zum alljährlichen Weltwirtschaftsforum in Davos.

http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5iAWnIUVpZTmfUtxIK6MwJEIibj6Q

Filed February 21st, 2009 under Deutsch

Patrick De Oliveira

Every year for the past decade two world forums take place to discuss and elaborate solutions to economic and social problems plaguing the world. The first one takes place at Davos, an elite Swiss Alpine resort and is by-invitation only. The second one has been held in cities in South America, Africa and Asia, and is open to all those who wish to participate.

They are, respectively, the World Economic Forum and the World Social Forum.

This year both forums took place at the end of January, and even though they were both concerned with the current economic crisis, the atmosphere and attitude in each place were significantly different.

In Davos, the mood seemed to reflect the cold weather of the Alpine city. The event, which has been held since 1971, is characterized by a strong neo-liberal approach to economics — placing faith on capitalism, corporations and free trade. This year, however, the faith seems to have been a bit shaken by the world economic crisis. News stories about the event were permeated with anecdotes about how people were searching for someone or something to blame and how pessimism seemed to set the tone. An article by Bloomberg News reported that only “one in five of 1,124 chief executives in 50 nations said they were very confident about prospects for revenue growth in 2009,” while more than a quarter were pessimistic.

However while the rich and the powerful were moping and trying to make sense of the crisis, another group carried itself more gleefully. According to an article by the Guardian, the unofficial motto of this year’s World Social Forum, which was held in Belém, Brazil, was, “We told you so.”

The World Social Forum started in 2001 as a counter to the neo-liberal ideology of the World Economic Forum. From the start it has been open to groups that were excluded from the deliberations at Davos: workers, indigenous groups, students and various forms of social movements. The World Social Forum has a democratic character (this year more than 100,000 people participated) that starkly opposes the elitism of the World Economic Forum. It has also featured prominent intellectuals such as Noam Chomsky and Joseph Stiglitz and leaders such as Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

From the very first, participants in this forum had been issuing warning sirens against the current structures. Unrestricted capitalism was not producing the desired effects; it was marginalizing large sectors of society in all countries of the world. And in 2001 these people decided to speak.

The World Social Forum has had its share of unfortunate events. According to news reports of this year’s forum, after a meeting between the presidents of Paraguay, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador and Venezuela, Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez proceeded to start a chant of “Fidel, Fidel, Fidel!”

But none of this compares to the hubris at Davos, which only now is starting to fall apart.

This year the theme at Davos was “Shaping the Post-Crisis World,” but those at the World Social Forum were aware of the crisis all along, when in 2001 they established in their permanent charter that “Another world is possible.”

Maybe this time the big shots at the top of the mountain heard the echoes from the rest of the world.

De Oliveira is a Belo Horizonte, Brazil, senior in journalism, history and French.

http://www.kansan.com/stories/2009/feb/19/de_oliveira

Filed February 21st, 2009 under ENGLISH

José Pedro Martins

Indigenous activists demand their rights at World Social Forum.

One of the most lasting images of the World Social Forum in Belém, Brazil was the human banner made by indigenous leaders, who used their bodies to spell out a bird´s eye message of “SOS Amazon” in Portuguese, to draw attention to the fragile region.

The human banner was organized by the Coordinating Group of Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon, one of the major groups that participated in the forum, campaigning for indigenous rights, particularly in the South American jungle, where various economically-driven projects are having grave reverberations on native peoples.

This year´s World Social Forum, held Jan. 27-Feb. 1 in the heart of the Amazon, helped indigenous peoples push for improved enforcement of their rights. Some 1,900 indigenous peoples, representing 120 ethnicities participated, the highest indigenous participation in the forum´s history.

Representing the 44 million indigenous residents of Latin America – 10 percent of the region´s population – was the Pan-Amazonian Assembly, one of the main events in this Forum in which more than 80,000 people from 150 countries participated.

In a statement, participants in the assembly said mining and hydroelectric projects in the Brazilian Amazon are threatening indigenous ways of life, adding that the struggle for the demarcation of lands and the recognition of collective rights of the indigenous, Afro-descendents and traditional communities of the region are a paramount concern.

Indigenous peoples attacked

Violence against Brazil´s indigenous communities remains a major hurdle for human rights and sustainable development in this country. Between 2003 and 2007, there were 271 killings of indigenous peoples throughout Brazil, according to figures from the Indigenous Missionary Council, a branch of the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops.

The average number of annual killings jumped from 57 in 2006 to 92 in 2007, the organization´s report said.

Serious agrarian conflicts over indigenous lands that are illegally occupied reflect the worsening situation facing the country´s indigenous population.

Although Brazil´s Constitution outlines the requirements for the demarcation of indigenous lands, it is not observed in many cases, one of the indigenous population´s greatest concerns, especially in the Amazon region, home to 163 indigenous ethnicities, or 270,000 individuals, approximately 80 percent of Brazil´s indigenous population.

Demarcation and conflict

Meanwhile, of the 504 indigenous lands in the Amazon region, less than half have demarcated their lands in the government-run public registry, and the holdup in the process allows for more conflicts such as in the Raposa Serra do Sol reserve in the Roraima state.

In this case, one of the principal voices of support to the indigenous cause in Brazil is the bishop of Goiás Velho, Mons. Tomás Balduíno, who recognizes that federal police and the Justice Ministry have worked to remove rice farmers that have taken over indigenous lands in the area.

The Raposa Serra do Sol reserve, a 1.7 million-hectare (4.2 million-acre) swath of Amazon, was demarcated in 1998. A decade later, police were called to remove the rice farmers. But the state´s governor José de Anchieta asked the Supreme Federal Tribunal to suspend the eviction, as the court debated more than 30 claims questioning the demarcation. The vote on the motions, which began last August, was later suspended among a public outcry, both nationally and internationally. The reserve is home to some 19,000 indigenous people, including members of the Macuxi, Wapichana, Taurepang, Ingaricó and Patamona peoples.

Other conflicts in the area are on the reserve of Ñanderu Marangatu indigenous reserve in the Mato Grosso do Sul state, the traditional land of the Kaiowá Guaraní.

These are emblematic cases, considering the high level of suicides in these communities, which are attributed to the destruction of their traditional way of life. Between 2006 and 2007, 61 indigenous people committed suicide, reports show, many of them in Mato Grosso do Sul, home to sugarcane plantations, whose development has employed indigenous workers for hard labor.

Mons. Balduíno says that renewed activism by social movements could accelerate the process of ensuring indigenous peoples´ rights in Brazil, such as land reform. But he said that the government of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who has historic ties to Brazil’s social sectors, has helped “paralyze social movements and popular organizations.”

He added that the government´s backing of agro-business goes against the interests of landless indigenous Brazilians.

But a new perspective of social movements after Lula leaves office in 2010 should learn from other Latin American countries, such as Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela and Paraguay, “where popular organizations are stronger and united, and where there is a strong indigenous component.” —Latinamerica Press.

Filed February 21st, 2009 under ENGLISH

Buoyed up by a crisis and with five presidents in attendance, the international left has ideas for fixing the world that a neoliberal might recognise

OFTEN mocked for an endless ability to disagree with itself, the World Social Forum—an annual jamboree for NGOs, anti-capitalists, leftish intellectuals, bohemians and bishops—was unusually united this year. More united, in some ways, than the recent World Economic Forum in the Swiss resort of Davos, a gathering of political and corporate bigwigs to which the social forum supposedly responds.

While Davos Man was busy looking for someone to blame for his predicament, no such doubts troubled his opposite number in Belém, a city on the edge of the Brazilian rainforest where mango trees grow so tall that their fruits can shatter car windscreens when they fall. The culprit was the whole current design of the world economy, promoting competition. Free trade and free movement of capital needed to be re-thought, participants insisted. Some even had ideas on what should replace it.

The forum’s main purpose is to bring together social movements (which generally dislike being called NGOs) from around the world to network. In that respect, it is rather like any other business conference, though some participants carry spears and wear the feathers of various unfortunate parrots on their heads. The forum is skewed towards Latin America, especially Brazil. One of the founders of the forum is a Brazilian businessman called Oded Grajew, and its first meeting was held in Porto Alegre, in southern Brazil.

Of more than 5,000 accredited organisations, 4,193 were from South America, roughly ten times the number of African outfits present. This partly reflects the number and prominence of NGOs in South America and the semi-official role which some governments give them. This year Brazil’s left-leaning government gave the forum a subsidy of R$120m ($52m)—a piece of generosity that was not universally popular at a time when economic growth may be on the verge of halting.

As a result, many causes dear to the Brazilian left were well represented. T-shirts demanded asylum for Cesare Battisti, a left-wing Italian émigré convicted of murder in Rome, who is currently in Brazil. Banners called for Brazilian troops to be withdrawn from Haiti, where they are doing a good job of containing violence.

A proposed hydroelectric dam on the Madeira river (a tributary of the Amazon) was denounced, and the country’s new oil find claimed for its people. Plenty of people came from further afield, like the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India, with a Delphic slogan: “We would rather sweat in peace than bleed in war.” And there were swarms of young, largely white folk who treated the forum like a music festival.

This cacophony sometimes sat awkwardly with the presence of five leftish presidents—Fernando Lugo of Paraguay, Rafael Correa of Ecuador, Evo Morales of Bolivia, Hugo Chávez of Venezuela and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil—who dropped in to be fêted. The flurry of helicopters and security men seemed out of place. Four leaders (President Lula was elsewhere) appeared together at a meeting that was billed as a dialogue with the social movements. But the talking was mostly one way. Mr Chávez gave a long, rambling speech in which he struggled to animate the crowd. “Another world is possible! No! Another world is necessary,” was as inspiring as it got.

Since its inception, the forum has struggled to get the right balance between a range of attractions: intellectual stars such as Noam Chomsky and Joseph Stiglitz, both of whom have addressed previous meetings; sympathetic politicians; large NGOs and the smaller single-issue organisations which often feel squeezed out.

This tension produced the best exchange in the presidential meeting. “You all talk about doing these things,” said João Pedro Stedile, a founder of the Landless Movement in Brazil, “but when you met in Bahia [in December] you just went to the beach.” “I didn’t go to the beach,” muttered the Venezuelan leader. “Well, perhaps those of you who are a bit overweight didn’t go,” Mr Stedile fired back.

Away from this set-piece spat, people were sitting in meeting rooms and coming up with proposals. The ones that dealt with reforming finance read a bit like a co-production between militant anti-capitalists and more cautious types, which was no accident. At the far edge was the idea that money and finance are public goods and should be shared out accordingly, through democracy. The familiar call for a special tax on international transactions was repeated. But there was plenty of talk that was more moderate and rather more interesting.

The forum suggested that the United Nations should be charged with preventing large trade surpluses and deficits from building up. Controls on exchange rates and the international movement of capital should be re-established. Credit-rating agencies should be reformed, incentives for excessive risk-taking reduced and bankers’ bonuses paid on the basis of long-term performance. Hedge funds, private-equity firms and other parts of the shadow banking system should go, along with over-the-counter derivatives (OTCs), collateralised-debt obligations (CDOs) and other nefarious structured products.

In general, a “speculator pays” principle should be introduced and applied when things go wrong. Finally, the world’s economy should get a stimulus in the form of a green New Deal.

Bits of this belong to the realm of reality; indeed, they might have come from America’s Democratic Party, or even from the op-ed pages of a respectable business daily. Interestingly, the forum proposed an outright ban on subprime mortgages, even though it might have been expected to look favourably on lending to people who would otherwise struggle to get credit.

If some delegates seemed to have thought hard about the economic crisis, the same could not be said of the visiting presidents. After leading the crowd in a chant of “Fidel, Fidel, Fidel!” Mr Chávez joined Messrs Lugo, Morales and Correa in a karaoke rendition of “Hasta siempre commandante“—a dirge about the exploits of Che Guevara—before disappearing. That was far too cruel a fate for the assembled company of Asian bishops, indigenous types in all their finery, would-be financial reformers and anti-capitalist warriors.

 

Filed February 18th, 2009 under ENGLISH

Por NIKO SCHVARZ (*)

El otro mundo posible en la mira
 

Quienes asistimos desde las primeras ediciones del Foro Social Mundial en Porto Alegre, empezando por la inaugural de 2001 y luego por las de 2002, 2003 y 2005, y a su contrapunto permanente con el Foro Económico Mundial de Davos, pudimos apreciar que esta octava edición en Belém do Pará en los días finales de enero (que sigue a las efectuadas en la India en 2004, en forma descentralizada en Malí, Pakistán y Venezuela en 2006 y al año siguiente en Kenia) significó la consolidación y ampliación del este diversificado movimiento mundial, al tiempo que exhibe también sus contradicciones y debilidades. Sobre todo, en ambos aspectos, a la luz de la nueva realidad esperanzadora que se ha abierto paso en América Latina.

Uno de los episodios relevantes, que se ubicó en el corazón del Foro y contó con una audiencia multitudinaria de parte del abigarrado conjunto de movimientos sociales y organizaciones del más diverso tipo, fue el acto conjunto de los cinco presidentes sudamericanos: Lula, Evo, Chávez, Correa y Lugo (aclaramos desde ya que el presidente brasileño invitó también a Tabaré, Michelle Bachelet y Cristina Fernández, que se excusaron). Un acto de este tipo era impensable en anteriores instancias del Foro, y su concreción debió superar trabas y dificultades de diverso orden. Pero en el fondo expresa la nueva realidad de América Latina, marcada por el ascenso al gobierno de fuerzas progresistas y de izquierda que cuentan con el respaldo de movimientos sociales fuertemente arraigados en sus sociedades y han venido implementando programas de cambios a favor de los sectores populares. Uno de los méritos mayores del FSM es el de haber afirmado la consigna: Otro mundo es posible , que estimula la movilización y contribuye a esclarecer las conciencias. Pues bien: como anota un agudo comentarista (Emir Sader) en su artículo Presidentes latinoamericanos en el FSM , los procesos latinoamericanos comenzaron efectivamente la construcción de alternativas al neoliberalismo . Otro analista, que también se expresa en Carta Maior (Marco Aurelio Weissheimer) dice que aunque hubo quien criticó la presencia de cinco presidentes latinoamericanos, eso fue lo más parecido al otro mundo posible que se vio en Belém . Y agrega: Esa presencia fue el momento más importante del FSM pues materializó los cambios políticos en el continente. Los movimientos sociales latinoamericanos sostienen, con razón, que es en América Latina donde se están verificando los cambios sociales más significativos de los últimos años. Todos ellos, importa señalarlo, marcados por el acceso al poder. Y es a partir de ese poder político, construido y alimentado por la intensa movilización social, que se vuelve posible construir políticas públicas universales .

Eso es poner el dedo en la llaga. En ese sentido se critican actitudes de los grupos que dirigen la organización del FSM o de algunas ONGs, sobre todo europeas, adversas a la participación de los partidos políticos y de los gobernantes en estos eventos, en forma conjunta con los movimientos y organizaciones sociales de todo tipo. En este caso se registraron 133 mil participantes inscritos provenientes de 142 países, muchos de los cuales dotaron a los numerosos actos, conferencias y coloquios de un colorido especial, como los indios amazónicos que llegaron con sus caras pintadas, arcos y flechas (y sacando fotos con cámaras digitales). Otra de las organizaciones, que participó en varios encuentros sobre educación (el Foro Latinoamericano de Políticas Educativas, FLAPE) adhiere al concepto de que otro mundo no sólo es posible, sino que está empezando justamente aquí, en América Latina y de que las propuestas de superar al neoliberalismo simplemente desde lo social, sin la política, están sobrepasadas .

Quienes adherían a dichas concepciones criticaron también el hecho de que el próximo encuentro del FSM se fijara recién para el año 2011 (en África), obviando una instancia más cercana cuando está candente la situación internacional por la crisis que abarca todo el planeta; y que se dispersaran los debates en centenares de encuentros, en lugar de concentrarlos en los puntos clave para transformarlos en directivas y acciones a nivel planetario, a fin de incidir directamente en la solución de los problemas de la humanidad. Y que en ese camino se debe armonizar la acción de pueblos y gobiernos, de movimientos sociales y partidos, de todo el conglomerado de fuerzas populares impulsados a la acción en forma mancomunada.

Esto quedó meridianamente claro en los discursos de los cinco presidentes en el hangar de la Universidad de Belém, presidido por un cartel que decía: Diálogo sobre la integración popular de nuestra América . Lula señaló que el dios mercado quebró , que es necesario e imprescindible construir un nuevo orden y ridiculizó a los oráculos de Davos, que pretendían dictar normas a todos y sumieron al mundo en una crisis de magnitud desconocida. Reivindicó el papel del Estado y de la política, defendió las realizaciones de su gobierno y las medidas que está adoptando ahora para enfrentar la crisis, mantener el empleo y continuar los procesos productivos, entre ellas la creación de un millón de viviendas. Esto se une a sus señalamientos a Obama sobre la responsabilidad de los países altamente industrializados en la crisis, cuyas consecuencias no deben ser pagadas por los países en desarrollo, a lo cual hay que agregar su advertencia al presidente de EEUU en el sentido de que su paquete de rescate contiene perjudiciales medidas proteccionistas (por ejemplo respecto a la importación de acero), susceptibles de una denuncia ante la OMC. En cuanto a los otros cuatro oradores (Correa, Lugo, Evo y Chávez, en ese orden) cada uno a su manera coincidieron en que otro mundo no sólo es posible sino que ya está naciendo de la mano de los procesos democráticos que tienen lugar en la región, y coincidieron en reconocerse herederos del foro social. Hablaron frente a integrantes de los movimientos sociales de la región, a quienes agradecieron que con sus luchas allanaron el camino hacia el gobierno (versión de Sandra Russo en Página/12).

Por cierto que habría mucho que decir sobre los infinitos temas abordados en las conferencias y coloquios (entre ellos los ambientales, el calentamiento global y el específico de la Amazonia). Algunos, como el del monopolio mediático, han sido abordados en anteriores ediciones de BITÁCORA. Pero esto me pareció lo medular del debate, y la contradicción que debe resolverse para que el FSM pase a ser una fuerza real y gravitante en la solución de los problemas mundiales y contribuya efectivamente a transformar la sociedad de acuerdo a su lema fundacional. No olvidemos, por otra parte, la ayuda del gobierno local, presidido por la gobernadora de Pará, Ana Julia Carepa, del PT, a todo el montaje de la infraestructura del Foro, como había ocurrido en su inicio con Olivio Dutra en Porto Alegre. Pero quiero concluir con una pequeña nota de entrecasa, muy ilustrativa.

Entre los miles de participantes estaba el intendente sanducero Julio Nino Pintos. Invitado por la red FAL (Foro de Autoridades Locales), participó en dos eventos, en los que expuso las experiencias del presupuesto participativo en su departamento. Su síntesis valoriza esta peculiar forma de democracia participativa que en Paysandú recibe apoyo creciente de la gente (y que se inició con el primer gobierno del PT en Porto Alegre y se ha extendido por el mundo). Concluye que es un ejemplo de democracia, sobre todo para los más jóvenes . Esto revela que el FSM tiene abierto un gran porvenir para debatir y concientizar sobre los problemas globales, pero a la vez sobre las experiencias de ejercicio de la democracia en el plano local, para extenderla y profundizarla.

(*) Periodista.

Filed February 16th, 2009 under Espanol

By Tim Costello & Brendan Smith

The recently concluded World Social Forum is a good gauge for assessing the state of the world’s alternative social, economic and political movements. Organized in 2001 as a counterpoint to the World Economic Forum, the annual meeting of global and corporate elites held in Davos, Switzerland, the WSF brings social movement organizations and activists from around the world together around the idea that “another world is possible.” If Davos represents a failed globalization from above, the WSF represents an emerging globalization from below. It’s a massive affair–this year more than 100,000 people gathered here for the five-day event. Part political convention, part carnival, part countercultural happening, the WSF serves as the center of gravity for the global justice movement that emerged in the late 1990s to contest corporate globalization.

The question on the minds of many was how to respond to what some call the “crisis of crises”–the economic, climate, political and cultural catastrophes that have engulfed the planet–and whether social movements can provide a unifying alternative vision for a better world. Economist Walden Bello of Focus on the Global South summed it up: “There is a sense of urgency and seriousness combining both pragmatism and principle. There is much less rhetoric. Things are taking place very fast outstripping what many predicted. There is a clear collapse of neo-liberalism. We have been triumphant over Davos…. Now we need alternatives and must get down to the hard work of creating them.”

Why Belém?

Even before the economic crisis broke, Belém was chosen as this year’s site to highlight environmental threats. Located sixty miles from the Atlantic on Guajara Bay in the Amazon estuary, Belém is no stranger to environmental conflicts or to impact of globalization. Originally built as an outpost of the Portuguese empire, it served for centuries as a gateway to Amazonia and shipping point for the region’s natural resources. Today it is a port of call for container ships picking up aluminum, iron ore, lumber and other riches of the rainforest.

According to climate change activist Oscar Reyes of Carbon Watch, the selection Belém was appropriate: “The deforestation issue is connected into the global negotiations and essential to dealing with climate change. The threat to the Amazon–an area that contains half the remaining rainforest in the world–is not primarily from small-scale deforestation, it’s pulp mills, mining, cattle, soy, and agrifuels. You can make sense of that in Belém where these are real and live issues.”

Hard economic times and the remoteness of the location skewed the turnout this year–the vast majority of the participants were from Brazil and Latin America–but there were still healthy contingents from every continent. While most of the 5,808 participating organizations were from Latin America, about 1,600 were drawn from the rest of the world, including 491 from Europe, 489 from Africa, 334 from Asia and 155 from North America. In addition to the rank-and-file participants, the presidents of Brazil, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Paraguay also made appearances.

The WSF also chose to highlight the Amazon’s indigenous people. Their attendance was not a folkloric touch: in marches and other events, indigenous participants demanded that their concerns be addressed and that their struggle for cultural survival be part of the global justice movement. From their perspective, the “other world” the WSF envisions must include space for those who have made a different pact with modernity.

This forum carried on its tradition of logistical chaos. The 2,310 “self-organized seminars” and other events were spread out over two university campuses along the banks of the river about a mile and a half apart and a few miles from the center of the city. Some participants complained of spending more time ferrying back and forth between campuses in taxis, buses and on a flotilla of old riverboats than they did in meetings.

The global economic meltdown made the Belém forum different from previous ones. The WSF and the global justice movement were formed in the expansive phase of globalization; now they must adapt to global economic contraction and impending environmental disaster. This year’s participants know that they were right about the failure of corporate-led globalization, but they also know that just saying no is no longer adequate. The prospects of a global wave of beggar-thy-neighbor currency devaluations and destructive trade policies in response to the crisis and the revival of virulent nationalism loomed over the discussions. Many wondered if what was once dubbed the “anti-globalization movement” could produce a global response based on global solidarity.

Impacts of the Global Crisis

There was general agreement that the economic meltdown is spilling over national borders, but it is unfolding at a different pace and in varied ways across the world.

Gautam Mody ,of India’s New Trade Union Initiative, told The Nation that “given the sheer number of irregular workers, most on contract, in India the crisis is as yet invisible…but millions of these workers have been pushed off the shop floor.” These layoffs go largely unrecorded and workers receive no benefits. And Kjeld Jacobsen, of the Social Observatory in Sao Paulo, said that despite obvious signs that the crisis will rival that of the 1930s, “it’s still hard to convince some workers of the severity of the coming crisis because it is just beginning.”

In continental Europe, the crisis is still dubbed the “financial crisis,” an indication that it is not yet being felt in the so-called “real economy” of everyday life. Bruno Ciccaglione, an Italian trade unionist, told us that “in the US the crisis helped to delegitimize the political class and particularly the Bush administration. But in Europe many of the governments that were very weak before the crisis–like Sarkozy in France, Brown in the UK and to some extent Berlusconi in Italy–came out stronger as a result of their economic packages and solutions, so the delegitimization of the political class for the moment has not occurred. But it will as the crisis moves into the real economy.” The current strikes in France in response to large-scale layoffs are an indication that things are changing fast in Europe, he added.

There is also widespread worry in Europe over a possible right-wing backlash. Norwegian political activist Asbjorn Wahl explained why: “We have strong right-wing parties in many European countries, including my own country where they get almost 35 percent of the vote–and about that much of the working-class vote. If we don’t come up with good alternatives that address people’s needs, we may see that grow. It’s a race between the right and the left, and at the moment, and for the last ten years, the right is gaining more. We have a history of the right taking over during in a crisis in Europe.”

A recurrent theme in many of the discussions was that elites could use the crisis to reinvent capitalism in new and insidious ways. And many from developing countries raised concerns that the emerging crises piled onto to the longstanding crises of global poverty, migration and access to basic human needs like healthcare and clean water could have a devastating impact.

Networks of Networks

The World Social Forum has played an essential role in the “post-Seattle” world (a reference to the 1999 confrontation between anti-globalization activists and the World Trade Association) by serving as a center of gravity for a movement comprised of a diverse array of organizations, each with its own issues, agendas, programs and constituencies and with a global geographic spread. The WSF has been an incubator for the creation of many successful advocacy networks focused on specific issues related to labor, trade, finance, migration, the environment, human rights, poverty and alternative economic organizations. But there has been limited interaction among these networks. The networks remained “trapped in their own silos,” in the words of one forum speaker.

That changed this year. A major push for “cross-network convergence”–creating networks of networks–dominated much of the discussion, and could mark a new stage in the global justice movement’s development. French activist Ameile Cannone, of the Seattle to Brussels Network, described it this way: “The context is different; we face a global crisis, people have decided to put that at the center of their activities. It’s a real opportunity to work across networks, a great first step to start working on climate, labor and development issues I don’t think it would have been possible before and for us this is really a good step.”

There is a great deal of work to be done. For instance, the discussion in Belém among labor organizations demonstrated that they have still not found ways to integrate action on climate change–something that will change the way their members live and work–into their daily strategies and practices. Indeed, the climate issue rarely came up in debates about labor’s future, but when pressed most acknowledged it as a critical trade union issue.

It was also clear that environmental activists need to develop a better understanding of the effects of climate change mitigation on employment if they are to build lasting alliances with unions. Only a few trade unionists attended the climate change network meetings and only a few climate change activists attended the labor gatherings. But those exchanges are likely to increase as a result of actions taken in Belém

G-20 and Copenhagen

Amid the usual anti-capitalist boilerplate, the closing statement of the Bel& eacute;m Forum, says: “The challenge for the social movements is to achieve a convergence of global mobilization. It is also to strengthen our ability to act by supporting the convergence of all movements striving to withstand oppression and exploitation.”

Two upcoming events will test this new commitment to “convergence:” the G-20 Economic Summit, to be held in London at the end of March, and the climate treaty talks, to be held Copenhagen in December. There is a general sense that these events offer a crucial opportunity for popular movements to mobilize and make their voices heard.

As for the future of the World Social Forum, it remains a flawed but essential institution of global civil society. Critics believe it has become too big and unruly–a carnival rather than a political gathering. It is not a setting for serious policy debates. And there has always been tension between those who would push the forum to be more of a social actor and those that want the forum to remain an “open space” for building relationships and sharing ideas. On her way home, Haeyoung Yoon, of the New York-based CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities as well as the Grassroots Global Justice Network, reflected on this tension: “The Social Forum has to be different. It should be an open space, but a partisan open space.” Finding that balance in a time of crisis will be difficult.

 

Filed February 16th, 2009 under ENGLISH

 

Brendan Smith, Tim Costello and Jeremy Brecher

The Guardian, 5 February 2009

‘Green paper gold’ could provide a much-needed fiscal stimulus while protecting the planet from climate change

As the rag-tag army of social movement activists, NGO representatives and other advocates from global civil society wend their way home from the Amazonian city of Belem, Brazil, and the World Social Forum (WSF), they have reason to believe they have won the debate on globalisation. Global economic catastrophe and global climate catastrophe have demonstrated to people the world over – including the new president of the United States – that unfettered capitalism is leading to unfettered disaster.

Yet to many ears, the WSF’s rallying cry “Another world is possible” sounds like a hollow slogan. However compelling their critique, does this motley crew really have anything worthwhile to propose to address the ills of globalisation?

Perhaps. Consider one concrete proposal:

There is growing international support for fighting global economic stagnation and global warming simultaneously with a “green New Deal”. Investing to cut greenhouse gases can create “green jobs” and provide fiscal stimulus while protecting the planet. But how is it going to be paid for? The answer: green paper gold.

In 1969, national governments gave the International Monetary Fund (IMF) the right to create Special Drawing Rights (SDRs), often referred to as “paper gold”. Nobel laureate economist Joseph Stiglitz says that SDRs are “a kind of global money, issued by the IMF, which countries agree to accept and exchange for dollars or other hard currencies”.

Stiglitz has proposed that paper gold be issued for investment in “global public goods” such as health initiatives and humanitarian assistance. Today, with trillions of dollars sloshing around the world bailing out the financial sector and ailing industries, it is time to direct a portion of this money to create “green gold” to help finance a global war on climate change.

Surely nothing could better qualify as a global public good than saving the planet from ruinous climate change. And at the same time, this green gold could provide some of the stimulus needed to move the global economy out of its deepening stagnation. It would help pay for energy conservation, mass transit, research, development and investment in sustainable energy, technology transfer to low-income countries and climate change adaptation.

Green gold should not be funnelled through the IMF but rather through some new entity with an appropriate overseer, such as the United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP). Its authoritative scientific committee, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPPC), should certainly play a major role in setting criteria and evaluating the results.

Countries would apply for funding to implement their national plans to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In order to qualify, each country would be required to meet its international commitments to reduce greenhouse gases. Complete transparency in allocating and contracting could be a further condition for receiving money.

How big should a green gold program be? Estimates are that $500bn – or less than half of the global stimulus package the IMF is currently calling for – would cover the annual cost of protecting the world’s climate.

In terms of job creation, economic stimulus and support for long-term growth – not to mention warding off climate disaster – nothing is likely to provide bigger benefits than investment in climate protection.

If the world can spend trillions of dollars to bail out the banks, why can’t we use green gold to create desperately needed green jobs – and bail out the planet?

Filed February 11th, 2009 under ENGLISH

Lucy Silva

Direto de Belém


A edição deste ano do Fórum Social Mundial, realizado em Belém (PA), foi encerrado neste domingo com um conjunto de assembléias que lembraram todas as dicussões ocorridas durante o evento. Cerca de 92 mil pessoas participaram dos seis dias de atividades.

Para a coordenação do FSM, a programação foi de encerramento, mas a luta por um outro mundo possível está só começando. “Os comitês do Fórum vão continuar atuando nos locais onde se constituíram, pois o objetivo principal é fortalecer esses processos que se construíram aqui”, disse a coordenadora, Aldalice Oterloo.

O Comitê Internacional do Fórum Social Mundial permanecerá em Belém e deve se reunir, ainda esta semana, para decidir qual será a próxima sede do Fórum. “Temos algumas solicitações para a África, Indonésia, Peru, mas há uma forte tendência que ele aconteça novamente na América Latina”, adiantou Oterloo.

Os seis dias da programação envolveram seminários, mesas redondas, oficinas sobre temas que envolveram direitos humanos, criminalização de movimentos sociais, crise econômica e mudanças climáticas. Ao todo 2,4 mil atividades ocorreram nos três espaços destinados ao evento em Belém: Universidade Federal do Pará, Universidade Rural da Amazônia e Núcleo Pedegógico Integrado.

Entre as atrações importantes, esteve o encontro histórico entre quatro presidentes sul-americanos com o presidente brasileiro Luís Inácio Lula da Silva: Hugo Chávez (Venezuela), Evo Morales (Bolívia), Rafael Correa (Equador) e Fernando Lugo (Paraguai), com objetivo de discutir medidas para contornar os impactos da crise econômica mundial na América Latina. “Temos diferenças sim, mas viemos aqui para mostrar que podemos resolvê-las sentando em uma mesa de negociação”, disse Lula.

Mas em meio a tantas atrações, muita gente se queixou da dificuldade de informação e do cancelamento de algumas programações. “Perdi uns quatro eventos não só pelo cancelamento, mas devido a distância entre os pontos de realização dos mesmos. E quando cancelavam alguma coisa não aparecia ninguém para dar nenhuma informação”, reclamou a cineastra Juliana Meireles, que veio de São Paulo para acompanhar as discussões relacionadas à energia.

Durante os dias de realização do Fórum Social Mundial, Belém recebeu pessoas vindas de todas as partes do Brasil e do mundo, de diferentes raças, crenças, costumes e culturas. O evento abriu espaço para quem quisesse reivindicar seus direitos.

O tema Amazônia foi um dos mais debatidos, principalmente pela questão climática. Mais de 1,3 mil índios de várias etnias de norte a sul do país, vieram clamar pela salvação da floresta e de suas tribos. “Não sabemos viver com energia. Não construam hidrelétrica na nossa aldeia. Os peixes ficam contaminados, a água fica contaminada, as àrvores morrem”, alertou o líder indígena paraense, Akiaboro Kayapó.

Puxado pelo Fórum Social Mundial, outros onze encontros paralelos também aconteceram no mesmo período para discutir questões como saúde, justiça, educação e religião. Um dos convidados ilustres foi o teólogo Leonardo Boff, que defendeu a criação de uma política ecologizada para defender o planeta. “Os próximos candidatos a presidência terão que levar em conta as questões ecológicas e a Amazônia. Nós temos que ecologizar a política. A floresta é uma cidadã que tem direitos a serem respeitados”, disse o teólogo.

Apesar das reclamações com relação à organização, a coordenação do evento comemorou os resultados. “No geral, mesmo com todas as dificuldades e problemas atingimos a nossa meta, até ultrapassamos, pois prevíamos 85 mil pessoas e tivemos 92 mil, sendo que 1,8 mil eram só voluntários”, finalizou a coordenadora do Fórum Social Mundial, Aldalice Oterloo.

http://noticias.terra.com.br/brasil/interna/0,,OI3486511-EI8139,00-Forum+Social+Mundial+reune+mil+em+dias+em+Belem.html

Filed February 11th, 2009 under Portuguese
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