REF: INTERNATIONAL AND INTERDISCIPLINARY WEBCONFERENCE:
THE RISE OF ASIA IN GLOBAL HISTORY AND PERSPECTIVE: 60 YEARS AFTER
BELGRADE, WHAT NON-ALINGMENT IN A MULTIPOLAR WORLD AND FOR A GLOBAL GUTURE?
10-12 FEBRUARY 2021

ABSTRACT
LOOKING AT ARMS CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT FROM A LATIN PERSPECTIVE ON
STRUCTURES/CULTURES OF PEACE
Azril Bacal Roij, CIPAE-Puebla, México, IRIPAZ-Guatemala, CLAIP, Red
Universidad y Compromiso Social de Sevilla

Against the background of the covid-19 pandemics, global warming, global
and regional militarism, the growth of global and regional inequalities,
the expulsion of tens of millions of refugees from their homes and
countries, the growth of racism, nationalist-populism, hostile borders, and
the globalization of crime and arms trade, the aim of this presentation is
to provide an overview of the past, present and future trends in Latin
America related to arms control and disarmament. This overview is
approached from the following perspectives: (1) Structures/Cultures of
Peace (Felipe MacGregor in Perú, UNESCO, CLAIP, IRIPAZ Indigenous Peoples'
Movement, World Social Forum), (2) Latin American Contributions to
Non-Alignment, briefly looking at the cases of Mexico (Tlatelolco treaty,
Nobel laurate Ambassador Robles, CEESTEM, SERPAJ), Perú (The "Mercado
Doctrine of Regional Security" - as an alternative to TRIAR - also
suporting the yugoslavian (Tito-Kardelj) self-management approach to
development - as opposed to Western marketism and Soviet statism - and the
international campaign against apartheid - during the Velazco Regime
1968-1974) and  Brazil (the international contribution of Itamaratí with
Cesar Amorin as foreign minister to non-alignment and South-South
cooperation during Lula's and Dilma's regimes - in contrast to Bolsonaro's
foreign policiy submission to Trump's authoritarian and violent regime in
USA), (3) The role of the UN Regional Center for Arms Control and
Disarmament (Lima), (4) North-South Peace Cooperation (exemplified by the
International Fellowship of Reconciliation, in Colombia, Mexico and
Guatemala) and last but not least South-South Cooperation (in the spirit of
Bandung). The regional context is defined by conditions of structural
violence, militarization (Bolsonaro's Brazil, Duque's Colombia, and AMLO's
Mexico), widespread corruption, criminality and human insecurity - worsened
by the covid-19 pandemics, the trade of drugs and weapons, and threats to
human rights and democracy. The argument is that while Latin America is
nuclear-free, the global nuclear threat is not perceived as such by the
average citizen - due to the immediacy of survival needs made worse by the
covid-19 pandemic and the lack of health infrastructure in the region,
except for Cuba. The arms trade of "light weapons" continues as SIPRI
yearly documents "business as usual" and even growing - related to "fake
national security needs," and the worlds of drugs and crime. The latter is
due to the structural conditions of poverty, unemployment and the role of
the informal economy where the market and the state don't create jobs for
the growing young population. The vision of Another Possible Latin America
presented here is to radically diminish and/or eliminate the so-called
national defense budget, thereby lowering the buying of weapons from the
nuke countries with industrial-military complexes heavily involved in the
"death industry" (production and  profitable sale of weapons - big and
small) who sit for ever (if not evicted)  in what Evo Morales called the
"insecurity council. Small industrialized countries like Sweden also profit
from exporting weapons like the 36 Jas-Grippen supersonic planes sold to an
impoverished Brazil. It is known that the arms trade is closely related to
corruption at the high military and governmental levels. In this respect,
Costa Rica is exemplary in the region by abolishing its national army and
related costs. It was not easy for President Figueres, himself a general,
to accomplish this feat. Mass support from the civil population was
required.to accomplish this feat! Money saved from buying arms and
supporting what has become a privileged social caste in Latin America (and
other regions of the world) would help to eradicate poverty and hunger from
Latin America and from the face of Earth. Money not wasted in the killing
machinery would help to save Amazonas, finance sustainable human
development on all fronts, to create health infrastructure (top priority to
begin with), added to education, housing and employment opportunities. This
vision or dream about the transition from structures/cultures of violence
to Another Latin America based on Democracy, Justice and Peace is not bound
to be an easy ride. Against the murderous propaganda of arms lobbies, most
peoples and countries don't need weapons to peacefully unfold their lives.
The alternative to this vision is a nightmare of more of the same getting
worse by the day. in Latin America and elsewhere. The Spirit of Bandung as
viewed by Samir Amin shares a similar vision held by the World Social
Forum, a basically Latin American gift of hope and a vision of other
possible worlds based on democracy, justice and peace. Last but not least,
The concept "culture of peace" was coined by Felipe MacGregor, a Peruvian
Jesuit, inspired by the work of Elise Boulding and Betty Reardon on Peace
Education at the International Peacer Research Association. This concept
was later adopted by UNESCO (with Federico Mayor Zaragoza as Director
General) and the UN Assembly - with its Decade of Peace still waiting for
Godot. In the spirit of Gandhi, most social movements struggling for
democracy, justice and peace in Latin America adhere to the principles of
non-violence (Ahimsa).

Pieces jointes

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